Know
and Be Silent:
The
Rhetoric of Wicca
According to Catherine Beyer, the
four major tenets of Wicca include “to know, to dare, to will, and to be
silent” (1). Beyer describes the silence
aspect in the following way:
There are several
meanings attributed to this phrase. The one I find most appropriate in this day
and age is that one should not brag or threaten others concerning their talents
with magic . . . Others attribute the phrase to the Burning Times, and that it
was a command of self-preservation--advertising otherworldly powers won one a
quick trip to the stake. (1)
If one of the major tenets of Wicca
advises its practitioners to be silent, what kind of rhetoric is used to
describe, and in the case of Wicca, to defend, this religion? How does Wicca educate others about the
religion when the practitioners are fundamentally opposed to talking openly
about the religion? In an article by
Selena Fox, noted Wiccan High Priestess, she writes:
Proselytizing is
central to many religions, but not to Paganism.
In fact, those interested in being part of a Pagan group may actually
have to go through a long search process in order to connect, since most groups
are private rather than public due to the climate of intolerance toward
alternative spiritualities that persists in dominant society. (1)
If Wicca is a religion that is not
meant to be discussed in the public sphere, how do its practitioners convey its
meaning? Here we will examine how the
rhetoric of Wicca, a private religion, is used on the public stage to both
define and defend the religion. In our examination
we will see that the rhetoric used to define Wicca emerges in two ways: first,
through educational and persuasive rhetoric about the religion’s major tenets
and second, through defensive rhetoric which proclaims what the religion is not.
As Wicca seeks to separate itself in popular consciousness from
Satanism, the Wiccan struggle becomes two-fold: Wicca must use rhetoric to
clarify its fundamental beliefs while also differentiating itself from Satanic
worship.
Wicca
is a private religion, but it is also a quickly growing one. According to the 2001 American Religious Identification
Survey, in 1990 there were 8000 Wiccans in the United States . By 2001, this number had grown to 134,000
(Kosman et. al. 13). Some set the marker
even higher. According to Allen, “there
are more than 200,000 adherents of Wicca and related ‘neopagan’ faiths in the United States ”
(18). It is difficult to determine the
exact number of those practicing the religion due, in part, to its private
nature and the shroud of “silence” that surrounds the religion. For fear of discrimination or retribution,
many Wiccans do not disclose their religion.
Research has also
shown that the religion is more popular amongst women than men. Allen notes that in the United States ,
Wiccans “tend to be white, middle-class, highly educated, and politically
involved in liberal and environmental causes.
About a third of them are men” (18).
This number is consistent with other research in this area. A study by Stuart Rose found that “70% of
those claiming to be active in the [New Age] movement are women” (330). He also notes that the number of female
leaders in the field is growing. In
1977, only 5% of the top 37 leaders in the movement were women whereas almost
twenty years later, “thirteen women (35%) were among the top 37 names recorded”
(330). For Starhawk, a well known author
and spokeswoman for Wicca, these statistics are not surprising. She describes Wicca as a religion that speaks
to “female needs and experience” (144).
In this private
religion where silence is an underlying code, access is often a difficulty for
those who seek membership. As Selena Fox
suggests, the average person hoping to learn about Wicca does not have the
luxury of pulling up the neighborhood church on Sunday. According to a study by Courtenay, Merriam,
and Baumgartner, most Wiccans must come to the religion through a process of
searching: both internal and external.
In their pursuit of understanding “why adults engage in learning to
become a member of a marginalized group” (111) the researchers found that those
who convert to Wicca generally have similar characteristics: “strong, internal
forces that were often manifest in childhood . . . intense curiosity—brought on
by the recognition that they are different or that they have questions about
life that are not being answered by traditional religious beliefs-- . . .
unique abilities and frustration with existing beliefs” (125). In their study the participants expressed a
“predisposition to Wiccanism” (116) but often had to go through a long search.
Courtenay et. al.
also note that “in every instance the participants engaged in informal
self-study about alternative religions.
This component was exploratory in nature, the participants searching for
answers to their questions about life. .
In addition to reading, one-third of the participants reached out to
other people for assistance” (118-119). Some
participants found other Wiccans who were willing to offer guidance to start them
on the path. But membership is not
automatic. As noted in Titus Helm’s
study, often times those interested in the religion have to take their
education beyond what the local bookstore’s New Age shelf offers. The element of “tourism” by what Helm’s
participants, veteran Wiccans, call “wannabees” or “wiclettes” indicates that
an interest does not necessarily mean access to this private world. Extra effort is needed. In Courtney et al.’s study, their research
seems to show that only after a period of self-directed search a Wiccan finds
entrance to a coven or group; one-half of their participants were in a coven.
This same exploratory path into this private
world is reflected in Rose’s study which found that those interested in New Age
developed their interests “according to the progression of each person’s
spiritual path” (338). Lozano and Foltz
found a similar exploratory process in their ethnographic study of death rites
in the Dianic tradition. In this
tradition, “most Dianics celebrate an autonomous female principle as divine,
excluding the male principle and men” (219).
They noted that “a common thread was that all but one [participant] can
be classified as a ‘spiritual seeker’ who had actively sought out and explored
other religions and spiritual traditions before settling on Wicca” (214).
Thus, having
substantiated that the religion is not only quickly growing, but is also
private, one has to wonder how new members learn about the religion? In this air of silence, what message is
delivered so that “spiritual seekers” can learn about the religion? Examining the rhetoric used by Wiccan groups,
authors, and devotees seems to suggest that Wiccan rhetoric defines the
religion, not only by what it does stand for, but by what it does not. Even a surface perusal of Wiccan literature
shows desperation by those practicing the faith to differentiate, loudly and
clearly, what Wicca is not Satanism and Wiccans are not evil. Here we will explore how both messages, the
“we are” verses the “we are not” are used to form the rhetoric of Wiccan
self-identity.
What is
Wicca? Examining the rhetoric used to
describe the basic dogma of the religion, three major messages seem to emerge: Wicca
is an earth-based religion, a religion that worships both a God and a Goddess,
and an ancient religion. There are
elements of both education and persuasion in the rhetoric surrounding the
answer to what is Wicca. As Wicca seeks
to educate people on the “good” nature of the religion, its rhetoric focuses on
the natural, peace-loving, inclusive, and ancient elements of the religion. Therefore, in answering what is Wicca we see
rhetoric used to illuminate but also, on a subtle level, to defend.
According to the
Covenant of the Goddess, “an international organization of cooperating,
autonomous Wiccan congregations and solitary practitioners” (“CoG”), Wicca is
described as “a magical religion with many diverse traditions derived from
various cultural sources around which covens and individual practitioners base
their practices” (“CoG”). They go on
further to describe the peace-loving, earth-based element of the religion, stating:
“Wicca, or Witchcraft, is an earth
religion -- a re-linking (re-ligio) with the life-force of nature, both on this
planet and in the stars and space beyond. In city apartments, in suburban
backyards, in country glades, groups of women and men meet . . . and put
themselves in tune with these natural forces” (“CoG”). This same definition is seen, in various
forms, over and over again. Circle
Sanctuary’s Selena Fox defines the Wiccan’s view of the earth-based element in
the following way:
They love and respect
Nature and seek to live in harmony with the rest of the ecosphere. Many have
personal communication and friendships with various animals, plants and other
lifeforms. They honor the cycles of Nature . . . The Wiccan religion and other
forms of Paganism are pantheistic in that the Divine is seen as everywhere and
in everything. They also are animistic in that every human, tree, animal,
stream, rock, and other forms of Nature is seen to have a Divine Spirit within
. . . Wiccans and other Pagans also honor the Elements of Nature -- Earth, Air,
Fire, Water, Spirit. (1)
The rhetoric surrounding the
earth-centered nature of the religion focuses on its peaceful aspects. And for the Wiccan, the association with the
earth is paramount. It is part of the
core set of beliefs and is a message that is omnipresent in Wiccan
rhetoric. After all, most Wiccans
believe in some form of the Gaia Hypothesis.
As Starhawk notes, for Wiccans, “the symbolism of the Goddess is not a
parallel structure to the symbolism of God the Father. The Goddess does not rule the world; She is the world” (144). She goes on further, stating that that “the
model of the Goddess, which is immanent in nature, fosters respect for the
sacredness of all living things.
Witchcraft can be seen as a religion of ecology. Its goal is harmony with nature” (145). This same message is given in Scott
Cunningham’s A Guide for the Solitary Practitioner, an introductory book
on Wicca. Cunningham writes, “the
Goddess is the universal mother . . . she is at once the unploughed field, the
full harvest, and the dormant, frost-covered earth . . . the Goddess is nature,
all nature” (11). In fact, importance of
nature runs so deep in Wicca those who practice Green Craft, a form of
witchcraft that focuses on nature, see with Craft as “a natural practice, in
which the Witch is not a steward of the Earth, the Witch is the Earth” (Moura
xviii). Thus we see than when Wiccans
talk about their relationship with the Earth, they are quick to point out the
religion’s peaceful and worshipful relationship with nature. The subtle message here being, of course, that
there is nothing inherently evil about Wicca, a peace-loving nature religion.
In
addition to Wicca’s deep connection to the Earth as Mother, Wiccan rhetoric
also emphasizes that the religion is polytheistic or having, at least, both a
Goddess and a God. In their study, Lanzo
and Foltz note that “all Wiccan covens consider the primary divinity to be
female and refer to ‘the Goddess.’ Almost
all covens also believe in and incorporate into their rituals the male
principle represented as the ‘Horned God,’ her son and consort” (219). An exception to this rule, as we have already
noted, is the Dianic tradition. Most
Wiccans, however, view divinity with this dual notion. As Starhawk clarifies, “the Goddess does not
exclude the male; she contains him, as a pregnant woman contains a male child”
(145).
The
view of deity as a God and Goddess, as noted by Lanzo and Foltz, is a notion
that belongs to almost all Wiccans. Often
times, however, the view of the God and Goddess is polytheistic, honoring the God
and Goddess in a variety of guises. “SageWoman”
magazine, a major publication in the Pagan world, devoted, in 2007 and 2008,
its focus to looking at the Goddess under her many guises. The magazine focused on the Goddess as
Warrior, Queen, and Mother. Each issue examined
the divine female by her many names: Aphrodite, Rhiannon, Morrigan, etc. For Wiccans, the Goddess is paramount. She, and her male consort, have many faces. The Covenant of the Goddess explains the core
belief in this way: “They honor the old Goddesses and Gods, including the
Triple Goddess of the waxing, full, and waning moon, and the Horned God of the
sun and animal life, as visualizations of immanent nature” (“CoG”). Scott Cunningham further notes, “Wicca, in
common with many other religions, recognizes deity as dual. It reveres both the Goddess and the God” (5). The language used to describe this central
belief is clearly part of the rhetoric of Wicca. Like the language used to describe Wicca’s
association with nature, the message that comes across is one that informs. There is also an underlying message
here. If the religion worships a God and
Goddess then it does not worship Satan. The
language used to describe the God and Goddess also seems to seek legitimacy
through ancient ties. It is to that
subject that we now turn.
A
third component of the rhetoric of Wicca relates to its self-definition through
ancient ties. Wiccans strive for legitimacy
by discussing, time and again, how their religion predates Christianity. Starhawk explains that “Goddess religion is
unimaginably old . . . The Craft today
is undergoing more than a revival, it is experiencing a renaissance, a
re-creation. Women are spurring this renewal
and actively reawakening the Goddess” (143-144). In her article “The Scholars and the
Goddess”, Charlotte Allen quotes Starhawk as saying that witchcraft “is
‘perhaps the oldest religion in the west’ and that is began ‘more than
thirty-five thousand years ago’” (18).
Allen, however, later blasts Starhawk’s notion on the antiquity of the
religion. The view held by Wiccans that
the religion is ancient, however, is unshakable.
In
Ann Moura’s The Origins of Modern Witchcraft, she begins her search for
the source of Wiccan belief in ancient Indus
culture, which she states “predates the Sumerian, Egyptian, and Babylonian
cultures” (12). In her search for the
earliest known Goddess worship, Moura predates Starhawk, noting that the “Indus Valley
has been inhabited since at least 470,000 B.C.E.” (16). The view that the
religion is ancient is one way Wiccan’s seek to justify their religion. In Margot Adler’s widely read book on
witchcraft, Drawing Down the Moon, she notes that “most Neo-Pagans look
to the old Pre-Christian religions of Europe .
. . they gravitate to ancient symbols and ancient myths, to the old
polytheistic beliefs of the Greeks, the Egyptians, the Celts, and the
Sumerians” (4). Here, the Wiccan harkens
back to antiquity to gain legitimacy for the religion. The message regarding this antiquity is
repeatedly made in the rhetoric used to define Wicca.
Herein
we have looked at the three major defining messages Wicca uses to define its
religion: its relationship to the earth, the worship of a God and Goddess, and
the antiquity of the religion. Wiccans
repeatedly put forward these messages as a rhetorical means to help others
understand the basic beliefs of the religion.
Embedded within these messages is the sense of an inherent goodness in
the religion. The rhetoric enlightens about
the religion without seeking to convert; Wicca is not about conversion. The rhetoric, however, also seeks to be
persuasive. In a culture that is
skeptical of a religion associated with witchcraft, a message seems to emerge
from Wicca which says: This is what we are.
We are peaceful. We live in
harmony with Earth and harm no one. Our religion is legitimate
because it is old.
The sense of the
harmlessness of the religion is reflected in one of the major Wiccan redes
noted in almost every “how-to” book and Wiccan webpage: “Harm none and do as
you will.” Wicca finds itself, however,
in a precarious situation. Witches, in
western culture, are often shadowed by negative stereotypes. Wicca, therefore, struggles to differentiate
itself from this stereotype and its association with Satanic elements. Much of the rhetoric that comes out of the
Wiccan community, therefore, is persuasive in that it seeks to convince that
the religion has no connection to evil or Satanism. As often as Wicca tells what its religion
stands for, it just as often defines itself by rhetoric about what it is
not. It is to that subject that we now
turn our attention.
We
began our study by asking, what is Wicca?
To fully understand the religion, however, one can easily ask the
question, what isn’t Wicca? By
addressing this question, Wiccan’s seek to educate and persuade others about
the differences between their earth-loving nature religion and Satanism. The rhetorical conversations on this topic
generally address deity as Satan, magic and spells, and sex.
One
message that emerges loud and clear from the Wiccan camp is that Wicca, with
its focus on a Mother Goddess and Father God, does not worship Satan. This sentiment is echoed on the WebPages of
both the Covenant of the Goddess and Circle Sanctuary, both groups representing
much of the pagan community. Regarding
this topic, the Covenant of the Goddess states:
To be a Satanist, one
must believe in Satan. Witches do not believe in Satan, as such. The popular
image of the goat-hooved, pointy-horned devil is a deliberate corruption by the
early missionary church of the European Pagan Horned God, who has been depicted
in Greece
as Pan, and in ancient Gaul as Cernunnos (who
is pictured having a stag's antlers). Making indigenous gods into evil beings
was the early church's most reliable method of gaining converts. Our Horned God is neither evil nor a source
of evil; He is the energy of nature, of plant and animal life, which energy
manifests for people in music and dance, intoxication and ecstasy, and all
joyous activities, including lovemaking. (“CoG”)
Here Wicca takes an educational and
persuasive stance. The rhetoric is used
to illuminate readers, not only on the fact that Wicca is not Satanic, but that
the church has actually played a negative role in the bastardization of pagan
deities. This same theme is echoed by
Circle Sanctuary. Selena Fox, High
Priestess of Circle Sanctuary, notes: “Wiccans do not perform evil magic and do
not worship the devil or Satan, which is the anti-God of the Christians. The
Wiccan religion is pre-Christian and post-Christian, not anti-Christian” (1).
In
addition to clarifying the point that Wiccans do not worship Satan, both groups
are quick to note that Wiccans do not even believe in the notion of an evil
incarnate like the devil. This message
is also readily see on a YouTube clip titled “What is Wicca” wherein contributor
DahKoDaeVonos clearly
notes “!!!Witches Do Not Worship Satan!!!” and goes on further to clarify that
“to believe in Satan one must subscribe to the Christian mythos. Wicca does not have any belief in nor do we
worship an evil incarnate” (DahKoDaeVonos). Clearly the message that comes forth is
defensive and persuasive. And, it
appears from the posts that follow the YouTube clip, the need clarify is
there.
One contributor,
calling himself redman443, repeatedly flamed the site. In his profile, he notes one of his hobbies is
“making sure no wiccans get close to me
leading people away from witchcraft and wicca” (redman443). In
his posts, redman443 makes such comments such as “my God is a God of
love and harmony now i know a violent and blood hungry god and the pentacle is
his symbol so don't tell me that wiccan lies - satan worshippers”: “the fact
thar you worship false gods and goddesses disgustes me my God is WAY above ALL
gods”: “WICCANS YOU WILL BURN IN HELL FOREVER!” (redman443). Clearly misconceptions about the religion
lead to hateful, discriminatory, if not xenophobic, reactions. From Wiccans there is a desperate use of
rhetoric to defend the religion from such attacks, as noted by the hundreds of
replies to redman443, which clarify and defend the religion. In clearly drawing a line in the sand between
itself and Satanic worship, Wicca uses rhetoric to define what the religion is
not. Wicca seeks to educate and
persuade, not only about its difference from Satanism, but also about spells
and magic.
Spellwork
and magic is an element of Wicca that often raises eyebrows. It is also a part of the religion that Wicca
seeks, repeatedly, to explain and defend.
Scott Cunningham explains that “Wicca is a religion that embraces
magic. If you seek only to practice
magic, Wicca probably isn’t the answer for you . . . magic isn’t a means of
forcing nature to do your will” (6).
Traditional views of spells seem to misconstrue the nature of magic’s
role in Wicca. In Titus Helm’s article,
“Between Satan and Harry Potter: Legitimating Wicca in Finland ”, Helm
discusses how “Wiccans use different strategies to legitimate their religion in
a situation where the media and authorities have labeled the movement in
negative terms” (33). Helm goes on to
discuss how some Finns have come to view Wicca as a gateway between Harry Potter and Satanism. The Covenant of the Goddess, however, address
the concern about magic in this way, noting that casting spells is:
part of being a Witch . . . For us, spells
and rituals are a matter of arranging elements to encourage a frame of mind
conducive to working Magic. This may involve burning candles and/or incense,
making talismans of stone or wood . . . or
whatever the imagination of the Witch can devise . . . We can't turn people
into frogs or levitate tables by mind-power; we can work healing, change our
lives for the better, and discover the workings and balance of the whole
system. Our Wills are our tools . . . . we are active in our communities and
for the environment, but we back up our actions with magical intent. It is a
potent combination. (1)
This same message is reflected on the YouTube clip previously
noted. Therein the contributor notes:
“!!Witches Do Not Cast Evil Spells!!” (DahKoDaeVonos).
The clip goes on further to elaborate what prevents Wiccans from doing
so: “modern witches have a very strict belief in the Law of Return. Whatever we send out into the world shall
return to us” (DahKoDaeVonos). This
same message is reiterated across the board.
On a Google Group about Wicca, a
contributor called Invalid Input notes that “using magick in this context
[to hex] would only produce dire results especially for the Witch who would
attempt to abuse it in such a way. We have a belief called The Threefold Law.
It means that any act you do positive or negative (including thoughts) comes
back to you threefold in this lifetime or will follow you into the next.” Clearly, the rhetoric that comes out of Wicca
is defensive. Wiccans are quick to note
that it is against their belief system to cast evil spells. The rhetoric is educational but
reactionary. Wiccans must reply to the
preconceived notion that all magic is evil.
By using rhetoric to clarify the intent of magic in Wicca, and to
discuss how Wiccans are fundamentally opposed to negative magic, Wicca seeks to
define what it is not.
The
last element we will discuss in regard to the rhetoric of Wicca is how Wiccans explain
their beliefs on the issue of ritual sex.
This is an issue that is widely misunderstood. Questions about sexual activity, orgies, and
other taboo subjects abound. As we shall
see, when Wicca does address this issue, Wiccans make very clearly that there
is nothing perverse happening. Common
stereotypes associate Wiccan ritual sex, or the Great Rite, with Satanic black
mass. In clarifying the role of sex in
Wicca, again we see an emphasis on what Wicca is not.
In
a 2005 study by Jo Pearson entitled “Inappropriate Sexuality? Sex Magic, S/M
and Wicca”, Pearson sought to examine the sexual aspect of the Wiccan
faith. While Pearson’s study is biased
and factually flawed, a few relevant issues in regard to sex and Wicca
emerge. Pearson notes that in modern
Wicca, sexual concepts, like S/M or bondage, “have been largely abstracted into
symbolic forms which deny the ‘inappropriate’ sexuality” (40). Pearson suggests that while orgies once played
a larger role in Wicca, that the religion has now been white-washed. Unfortunately for Pearson, the background
research that provided evidence for his hypothesis examined occultism, not
Wicca. Pearson generalized the beliefs
of occultist Alistair Crowley onto Wicca.
In fact, embedded in Pearson’s study is an example of how far off the
mark Pearson was. He notes: “It was very
interesting that when I was at a Wiccan gathering where this [sex] did happen .
. . the reactions of those not involved would have suited an extreme caricature
of Puritan ladies” (39). Thus, in examining
the issue of sex in Wicca, Pearson himself was side-tracked by faulty research
and, perhaps, preconceived notions on the sexual nature of the religion. He even goes so far to note that “ritual
nudity is pretty much the norm” (32) when, in fact, it is not.
When
the even researchers get it wrong, where can Wicca turn to set the record
straight and how do they do so? On a
webpage entitled “What Wicca is Not FAQ”, the hostess, Aldwyn, makes several
key points regarding the relationship between sex and Wicca, addressing what
she feels to be common misconceptions.
In regard to whether one has to have sex to follow Wicca she says, “while
Wicca is a fertility (nature) religion in its basic form, having sexual
intercourse with another person is not a requirement of the religion” (1). In regard to ritual nudity she notes, “you
will occasionally find a coven that does all its rituals skyclad (Naked:
Clad only with the sky), and some that practice skyclad only occasionally.
The majority of covens in recent days practice wearing robes, with
nothing under them. This is usually done for practicality as well as
modesty” (1). In regard to the orgies
that Pearson suggests are teeming under the surface, Aldwyn writes: “Sexual
activities are based on the individual, and not based on the religion. While the Wiccan view of sex may be more
relaxed and open-minded than the average American, orgies are not a standard
part of Wicca, and typically do not enter into a Wiccan ritual” (1). Here Aldwyn takes a firm stance to define
what is not considered part of the religion.
She uses rhetoric to substantiate that there is nothing deviant in the
sexual relations of Wiccans.
Aldwyn’s
message is echoed by Selena Fox who writes:
Paganism differs from
some religions and cultures on a number of gender and sexuality issues. Sex between consenting adults is considered a
personal and private matter by Pagans . . . Marriage is not a prerequisite for
sex, although safety and responsibility in sexual activity is emphasized.
Neither celibacy nor marriage is mandated for Pagan group leaders. Many
lesbians, gays, and bisexuals are Pagan because there is widespread acceptance
of diversity in sexual orientation within Paganism today, just as was the case in
some ancient Pagan cultures. (1)
Fox’s message is that while Wiccans
take a more relaxed and inclusive attitude toward sex and sexuality, there is
nothing deviant about Wiccan’s relationship to sex.
What
does seem to be missing, however, from Wiccan rhetoric is an open discussion by
leading groups like Circle Sanctuary or The Covenant of the Goddess on the
sexual activities associated with the Great Rite. The Great Rite is a sexual union of man and
woman, priest and priestess, taking on the roles of the God and Goddess as an
expression of love in order to reach the divine through sexual union. Recent films like The DaVinci Code have garnered a lot of attention to this
subject. While an internet search yields
many hits on this subject, and even a Wikipedia citation, the voices of leading
Wiccans and Pagan writers is notably absent.
Has Wicca silenced itself on this subject? Why has Wicca chosen to stifle rhetoric in
this area? One can imagine the kinds of
misconceptions that might arise from any discourse on this issue. One has to wonder if Wicca has retreated back
to its tenets and on the subject of the Great Rite, a Wiccan mystery, has
chosen to know, dare, will, and be silent.
Overall,
however, we can see that the rhetoric coming out of the Wiccan community on the
issue of sexuality is one that seeks to normalize how it is depicted. Wiccans express a relaxed attitude toward
sex, but not a deviant one. Again, Wicca
rebels against preconceived notions and educates about those things that are
not part of the religion.
Thus
we can see that while Wicca seeks to define itself by what its major beliefs
are, it also struggles to clarify what is not part of Wiccan religious
practice. Associations with Satan, questions
about spell-work, and notions of deviant sexual practice plague Wicca. Wicca, in turn, finds itself self-defining by
retorting against these misconceptions.
Much of the way Wicca defines itself is in reaction to biases against
it. Wiccans find a need to clearly state
what they are not. This balancing act,
we are this verses we are not this, leaves Wicca in a rhetorical situation
where they are self-defined by, not just what they represent, but what they are
not. Wicca cannot simply put forward their
major beliefs. Wiccans must combat
stereotypes and preconceived notions.
The rhetoric to discuss this religion, therefore, becomes one of
education, illumination, persuasion, and defense.
Why is Wiccan misunderstood? In a 1999 interview with George W. Bush, during
his first campaign for president, Bush told ABC's Good Morning America “I
don't think witchcraft is a religion” (“Bush”).
In an atmosphere where even the leaders of a country do not understand a
religion, how can there be anything other than misconceptions. Until Wicca manages to gain legitimacy in
general public opinion, their rhetoric will continue to be a balancing act.
Works
Cited
“About Wicca.” Covenant of the
Goddess. 10 October
2007
<http://www.cog.org/wicca/about.html>.
Adler, Margot. Drawing Down the
Moon. 1979. New York :
Penguin Books, 1986.
Aldwyn. “What Wicca is Not FAQ.” 4 December 2007
<http://www.mdpagans.com/wiccaisnot.html#4.1>.
Allen, Charlotte . “The Scholars and the Goddess.” Atlantic
Monthly 1 (2001): 18-22.
Beyer, Catherine Noble. “The
Witches' Pyramid.” 2002. Wicca for the Rest of Us. 1
December 2007 <
http://wicca.timerift.net/laws/pyramid.shtml>.
Bush, George W. Interview. Good
Morning America .
ABC. 24 June 1999 .
Courtenay, Bradley, Sharan B. Merriam,
and Lisa M. Baumgartner. “Witches
Ways of
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